President Trump on Thursday urged Senate Republicans to invoke the “nuclear option” — a rules change that would allow legislation to pass with a simple majority vote — in order to bring an end to the 30-day government shutdown.
“It is now time for the Republicans to play their ‘TRUMP CARD,’ and go for what is called the Nuclear Option — Get rid of the Filibuster, and get rid of it, NOW!” the president wrote in a long Truth Social post.
Trump wrote that during his whirlwind Asia trip this week, “the one question that kept coming up, however, was how did the Democrats SHUT DOWN the United States of America, and why did the powerful Republicans allow them to do it?”
“The fact is, in flying back, I thought a great deal about that question, WHY?” Trump wrote.
“Majority Leader John Thune, and Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, are doing a GREAT job, but the Democrats are Crazed Lunatics that have lost all sense of WISDOM and REALITY,” he argued. “It is a sick form of the now ‘legendary’ Trump Derangement Syndrome (TDS) that only comes from losing too much.”
Trump also claimed that Democratic demands to reopen the government, such as $1.5 trillion in new spending that will include healthcare funds that will go to illegal aliens, “will hurt American citizens, and Republicans will not let it happen.”
The 60-vote threshold required to advance legislation in the Senate has blocked Republicans from moving forward with a short-term continuing resolution to fund the government at pre-shutdown levels. Since federal funding expired on Oct. 1, all but three Senate Democrats have voted against the Trump-backed measure more than a dozen times.
Republicans currently need five additional votes to move the bill ahead, the New York Post reported.
“Just a short while ago, the Democrats, while in power, fought for three years to do this, but were unable to pull it off because of Senators Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona,” Trump wrote, referring to a previous Dem-led effort to undo the legislative filibuster. “Never have the Democrats fought so hard to do something because they knew the tremendous strength that terminating the Filibuster would give them.”
Trump correctly observed that Senate Democrats would brazenly move to “substantially expand (PACK!) the United States Supreme Court, make Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico States (Thereby automatically picking up 4 Senate seats, many House seats, and at least 8 Electoral Votes!), and many other highly destructive things” if they could pass legislation by a simple majority.
“Well, now WE are in power, and if we did what we should be doing, it would IMMEDIATELY end this ridiculous, Country destroying ‘SHUT DOWN,’” Trump asserted.
In addition to ending what has become known as the “Schumer Shutdown,” after Democratic Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York, Trump pointed to “all of the other things we would get” without the legislative filibuster, “such as the best Judges, the best US Attorneys, the best of everything.”
“[T]his was a concept from years ago of then President Barack Hussein Obama and former Majority Leader Harry Reid in order to take advantage of the Republicans. Now I want to do it in order to take advantage of the Democrats….” he added.
Then, in a separate Truth Social post, Trump wrote: “BECAUSE OF THE FACT THAT THE DEMOCRATS HAVE GONE STONE COLD ‘CRAZY,’ THE CHOICE IS CLEAR — INITIATE THE ‘NUCLEAR OPTION,’ GET RID OF THE FILIBUSTER AND, MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!”
Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) reaffirmed his commitment to preserving the filibuster back in January, when Republicans assumed control of the Senate.
Earlier this month, Thune rejected the idea of invoking the nuclear option to end the shutdown, saying he had not held any discussions with the White House about pursuing that strategy.
The tragic assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk has not only shaken the nation but has ignited one of the fiercest political firestorms in recent memory.What began as a moment of shared grief in the U.S. House of Representatives quickly unraveled into bitter partisan conflict, as Republicans accused Democrats of fueling an environment of hatred that ultimately contributed to the killing.At the center of the storm is former President Barack Obama, whose response to Kirk’s death has drawn condemnation from conservatives who argue his words reflect years of damaging rhetoric.On Wednesday, Obama issued a brief statement on X, formerly Twitter, responding to the assassination. “We don’t yet know what motivated the person who shot and killed Charlie Kirk, but this kind of despicable violence has no place in our democracy,” he wrote.The statement was intended as a general condemnation of violence, but for many on the right, it rang hollow. Critics pounced, arguing that Obama himself had helped foster the hostile climate that encouraged extremists to target conservative figures.Outkick founder and conservative commentator Clay Travis was among the loudest voices. Appearing on Fox News, Travis accused Obama of emboldening violence by framing Donald Trump and his supporters in fascist terms over the past decade.“You can’t call the president of the United States Adolf Hitler for 10 years, and you can’t say that he’s a fascist dictator,” Travis fumed. “You cannot say that anyone who voted for Trump or advocated for him like you, me, Riley, and Charlie Kirk are Nazis, and then when someone tries to kill us, suddenly say, ‘Oh, we condemn this violence.’ You caused it!” His anger reflected a broader sentiment spreading among conservatives: that the rhetoric of Obama, Hillary Clinton, and other Democratic leaders had laid the groundwork for extremist acts of violence against Trump supporters.
The accusations gained traction when critics resurfaced reports from 2016. According to NBC News, during that election cycle Obama privately described Trump as a “fascist” during a phone call with then–vice presidential nominee Tim Kaine.Hillary Clinton, appearing with Kaine, later echoed that sentiment by insisting they had to do everything possible to “keep a fascist out of the White House.”For conservatives, these remarks represented more than just heated campaign language. They argued that once political figures equate opponents with Adolf Hitler or fascism, they effectively give a green light to unstable individuals to commit violence in the name of protecting democracy.Clay Travis made that case emphatically: “Look at me right now! You caused this! When you tell people that someone is Hitler, you are telling crazy people: Go kill them. And I am sick of pretending that is anything other than what they are doing.”The debate was further fueled by recent events. Ryan Wesley Routh, a 58-year-old man who attempted to assassinate Donald Trump in West Palm Beach, reportedly told authorities that he viewed Trump as another Hitler. For conservatives, this connection was proof that repeated Nazi comparisons had deadly consequences.“This is what they do,” Travis added. “This left-wing violence, it’s out of control, and Charlie Kirk bore the brunt of that left-wing violence.”His remarks resonated with a segment of the American public already distrustful of mainstream narratives. Many conservatives took to social media to express outrage, asserting that Obama’s statement was disingenuous, a hollow condemnation that ignored his own role in demonizing Trump-aligned figures.Democrats, however, rejected the accusation that their rhetoric bore any responsibility for Kirk’s death. Senator Elizabeth Warren was visibly exasperated when asked if Democratic language could have incited the killing. “Oh, please,” she snapped outside the Capitol. “Why don’t you start with the President of the United States?”For Warren and her colleagues, the charge that Obama or others had indirectly caused Kirk’s assassination was both offensive and politically opportunistic.They countered that violent rhetoric and conspiracy theories had long been cultivated by the right, and that responsibility for the crime lay solely with the individual who pulled the trigger.This clash of narratives underscored the broader polarization in American politics, where tragedies are immediately refracted through partisan lenses. What might have been an opportunity for unity and collective mourning instead became a new front in the battle between left and right.The divisions played out dramatically on the House floor. Republicans demanded a formal condemnation of political rhetoric that dehumanizes conservatives, while Democrats accused their opponents of exploiting a tragedy for political gain. Heated exchanges erupted, with lawmakers shouting over one another as the debate devolved into recriminations.For many Americans watching from the outside, the spectacle was disheartening. Instead of unity in the face of a national tragedy, the country was once again reminded of the depth of its partisan divides.The controversy raises deeper questions about the power of political rhetoric in shaping public perceptions and behavior. When leaders compare opponents to history’s most reviled figures, what effect does it have on the political culture? Does it heighten vigilance against authoritarianism, or does it encourage acts of violence by unstable individuals who interpret such comparisons literally?Political historians note that hyperbolic language has been a staple of American politics for centuries. But the digital age has amplified its reach and intensity. What once might have been a campaign trail quip now reverberates endlessly on social media, repeated, distorted, and consumed by audiences across the ideological spectrum.In this environment, the line between metaphor and incitement becomes increasingly blurred.For Republicans, the backlash against Obama’s remarks represents both a moral conviction and a political strategy. By highlighting Democratic rhetoric, they aim to turn the tables in a debate where they are often accused of fueling violence through incendiary speech.House Republicans have already begun drafting resolutions condemning political rhetoric that “dehumanizes” Americans based on ideology. Conservative media outlets are amplifying the message, portraying Obama’s words as emblematic of a larger culture of liberal disdain for Trump supporters.The hope, for many on the right, is that public sympathy for Kirk’s family will translate into political momentum. By framing the assassination as a byproduct of Democratic demonization, they seek to rally voters around the narrative that conservatives are under siege.Democrats, meanwhile, are determined to prevent this narrative from taking hold. They argue that it is dangerous to blame political leaders’ words for the actions of individuals, particularly when those individuals act independently and without direct instruction.Their message is that responsibility lies with extremists themselves, not with politicians who warn about the dangers of authoritarianism. They also point to the violent rhetoric that has emerged from the right, including threats against Democratic officials and institutions.To Democrats, Republicans are engaging in projection—accusing others of the very behavior for which they are often criticized.Media coverage has further complicated the picture. Conservative outlets have seized on Obama’s past remarks and Clay Travis’s fiery denunciations, while liberal networks have highlighted the dangers of conspiracy theories and gun violence. The result is a fragmented information environment where Americans encounter radically different narratives depending on their preferred sources.Social media has amplified these divides, with hashtags trending in both directions—some demanding accountability for Democrats’ rhetoric, others condemning conservatives for politicizing tragedy.Polling in the coming weeks may reveal how the public is processing the controversy. Early indications suggest that Americans remain deeply divided, with partisans sticking to their respective narratives. For many conservatives, Obama’s words epitomize hypocrisy; for many liberals, the outrage amounts to deflection.What is clear, however, is that the assassination of Charlie Kirk has become more than a tragedy—it has become a symbol in the broader culture war over truth, rhetoric, and political responsibility.The furor surrounding Obama’s remarks is unlikely to subside quickly. Both sides see the stakes as too high. Yet the deeper question lingers: can America find a way to mourn its dead without turning grief into another battlefield?The answer may depend on whether political leaders can recognize the gravity of their words, not only in moments of tragedy but in the ordinary rhythms of governance and campaigning. Language has power, and in an age of polarization, that power can shape perceptions in ways that extend far beyond the intentions of the speaker.The assassination of Charlie Kirk has opened yet another chapter in America’s ongoing struggle with division and violence. Barack Obama’s response, intended as a condemnation of bloodshed, has instead become a lightning rod for fury, exposing the raw nerves of a country unable to agree on who bears responsibility for its tragedies.For conservatives, the message is clear: years of demonizing rhetoric from Democratic leaders helped pave the way for Kirk’s death. For liberals, the charge is outrageous, a distortion of reality aimed at scoring political points.Caught between these narratives are ordinary Americans, many of whom simply mourn the loss of life and worry about the path their country is on. The question that remains is whether this moment will serve as a wake-up call for more careful rhetoric—or whether it will deepen the divisions that continue to tear at the fabric of American democracy.