President Donald Trump’s administration dismissed the nation’s top copyright official just days after removing the Librarian of Congress. Shira Perlmutter, who led the U.S. Copyright Office—an agency under the Library of Congress—was abruptly terminated.
The U.S. Copyright Office informed the outlet that Perlmutter had received an email from the White House, which stated, “Your position as the Register of Copyrights and Director at the U.S. Copyright Office is terminated, effective immediately.”
Days prior, Trump dismissed Librarian of Congress Carla Hayden. Her removal was considered part of the administration’s broader effort to replace officials viewed as resistant to Trump’s agenda.
Hayden appointed Shira Perlmutter to head the Copyright Office in October 2020. According to The Associated Press, both Hayden and Perlmutter were informed of their dismissals via email.
“Carla,” the letter to Hayden began. “On behalf of President Donald J. Trump, I am writing to inform you that your position as the Librarian of Congress is terminated effective immediately. Thank you for your service,” it added.
Meanwhile, a USAID employee responsible for overseeing agency contracts created a fictitious company to obtain coronavirus relief funds for personal gain illegally, federal prosecutors announced Friday.
“Yusuf Akoll worked as a Senior Procurement Contract Specialist at the U.S. Agency for International Development,” according to a previously unreported court document. “From at least in or around March 2021, and continuing through at least in or around August 2021, Akoll [made] materially false, fictitious, and fraudulent statements…that resulted in Akoll receiving two [Paycheck Protection Program] loans totaling approximately $16,666 that he was not entitled to receive.”
Prosecutors allege that in November 2020, Akoll registered a company in Virginia named Naagode Consulting LLC and then applied for a Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loan under the federal COVID-19 relief program. He claimed to be employed by Naagode and stated the funds were needed to avoid layoffs.
However, eligibility for the program required businesses to be operational as of February 2020, prompting Akoll to falsely list the company’s start date as January 2020. To justify the loan, he also claimed the company earned $40,000 in 2019, despite it having no income at all, according to prosecutors.
Akoll was charged with making false statements in Washington, D.C., federal court through an “information,” a filing that typically indicates a plea agreement is in the works, the Daily Wire reported.
The fact that the loan was approved underscores how recklessly the government distributed vast sums of money during the coronavirus pandemic. Akoll’s claim that the company earned $40,000 in 2019 directly contradicted his own assertion that it wasn’t founded until January 2020.
Small Business Administration officials failed to verify the company’s formation date—easily accessible through state corporation records—or cross-check the claimed income against federal tax filings, revealing a lack of basic due diligence. It also highlights the kind of oversight gaps the Department of Government Efficiency has focused on addressing as a core part of its mission.
USAID was shut down, and its remaining functions were absorbed into the State Department amid concerns from Republicans and the Department of Government Efficiency over widespread financial mismanagement. According to records, Akoll had oversight of hundreds of thousands of dollars in funding directed to foreign countries, money that was often difficult to track and monitor effectively.
Coronavirus relief payments were distributed under a “pay and chase” model, in which the government prioritized rapid disbursement with the expectation that fraudulent claims would be pursued later. However, the Biden administration largely abandoned efforts to recover those funds.
In 2023, the Biden administration announced it would not attempt to collect loans under $100,000 that were technically required to be repaid, citing “equity” concerns. While most loans were designed to be forgiven, recipients who failed to meet forgiveness criteria were still obligated to repay them.
Washington, D.C. — In a bold—and controversial—move, Republican Representative Jim Jordan has introduced legislation that would mandate that candidates for the U.S. Congress (both the House and Senate) and the presidency must be
American-born citizens. The proposed measure, if enacted, would restrict eligibility for federal legislative and executive office to those born within United States territory, strengthening what its proponents describe as “lifelong roots” to the country.
Under the proposal, any individual who aspires to be a member of Congress or to seek the presidency would need to prove they were born on U.S. soil (or possibly in U.S. territories).
The bill intends to extend the requirement of “natural born” status—already required by the U.S. Constitution for the presidency—to legislative candidates as well.
The impetus behind the legislation, according to its sponsors, is to ensure that the nation’s leaders have deep, unbroken ties to America from birth.
Supporters argue that imposing a birth requirement protects national sovereignty, fosters allegiance, and avoids potential divided loyalties or conflicts of interest. The language of the proposal emphasizes that only those whose life’s first allegiance was to the United States can legislate or lead at the highest level.
Rep. Jordan has framed it as a patriotic safeguard: “Our leaders should be those who have never pledged loyalty to another country,” he has reportedly said in press remarks (paraphrasing the publicly circulated summaries).
The bill would thus condition eligibility not just on citizenship (as is currently required for Congress), but on being born as a U.S. citizen.
Constitutional & Legal Implications
The new proposal has sparked immediate debate over constitutional compatibility. Under the existing U.S. Constitution:
The presidency already requires that a candidate be a “natural born citizen” (Article II, Section 1).
For Congress, the Constitution only demands that Representatives and Senators be U.S. citizens (for specified durations), with no requirement of being
By imposing a birth‐place criterion on congressional candidates, Jordan’s bill would create a novel constraint that goes beyond current constitutional text and precedent.
Legal scholars have warned that such a change would likely face immediate constitutional challenges in court, particularly on grounds of equal protection and discrimination based on place of birth.
Moreover, the Fourteenth Amendment’s citizenship clause establishes that all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to its jurisdiction, are citizens (with narrow exceptions). The Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in
United States v. Wong Kim Ark affirmed that many born in the U.S. automatically acquire citizenship, including those born to non-citizen parents.
Critics argue that Jordan’s bill seeks to reinterpret or override these long-standing legal principles by imposing a stricter eligibility bar. Some legal analysts contend that even if Congress passed such a law, it could be struck down as unconstitutional, unless the Constitution itself is amended.
The proposal also raises questions about U.S. territories and outlying possessions. Could someone born in Puerto Rico, Guam, or American Samoa qualify under the new criteria? The bill’s language (as publicly described) is not yet clear on these details, which may prove a key battleground if the measure advances.
Political Reactions & Challenges
The reaction on Capitol Hill has been sharply divided. Many Democrats have criticized the proposal as exclusionary and xenophobic, accusing its backers of testing the limits of constitutional semantics to marginalize naturalized citizens or immigrants.
Some moderate Republicans have expressed concern that such a sweeping restriction could alienate important voting blocs and create legal liabilities.
Even among conservative legal scholars, skepticism is widespread. While some echo Jordan’s argument about undivided allegiance, others warn that the judiciary would likely strike down any law that conflicts with constitutional guarantees of equal treatment and birthright citizenship jurisprudence.
Additionally, political strategy may complicate the bill’s path. To become law, it would need passage in both the House and Senate and survive likely scrutiny in the courts—or a constitutional amendment.
Given the required thresholds and the polarized landscape, many see the proposal as more symbolic than immediately viable.
Supporters, however, may view it as a signal. Introducing such a bill can rally a segment of the party base, serve as a campaign talking point, and put pressure on opponents to define their positions on citizenship, birthright, and national identity.
Broader Context & Comparisons
This is not the first time proposals have surfaced to alter or constrain birthright citizenship or eligibility rules.
Over the years, various bills have been floated in Congress to restrict automatic citizenship for children born in the U.S. to non-citizen parents.But none have successfully passed constitutional muster.
Moreover, debates over the meaning of “natural born citizen” have lingered for decades. Some constitutional scholars argue that the phrase includes persons born abroad to U.S. citizen parents under certain conditions, while others define it strictly as birth on U.S. soil.
The ambiguity has fueled occasional legal challenges, though the courts have often declined to adjudicate presidential eligibility disputes.
In the broader political climate, citizenship, immigration, and national identity remain deeply contentious issues. The Jordan proposal taps into long-standing tensions about who “belongs,” who is considered fully American, and how to guard against perceived foreign influence.
What Lies Ahead
At this stage, the bill remains in its early stages. Its supporters may seek to amend it to clarify edge cases (such as U.S. territories or dual citizenship) or to bolster its legal defenses.
Opponents are likely to raise immediate constitutional challenges in the judiciary. Whether it will gather enough support in Congress—or survive court review—remains uncertain.
Regardless of its fate, the proposal underscores the enduring debates about citizenship, equality, and the nature of American identity. If nothing else, it has opened a new front in the ongoing national conversation about who qualifies to lead in a republic founded on the principle that all are equally subject to the law.